Ukrainian communities from Tulcea County: between tradition and spectacle

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Topicality of the theme. In the last twenty years, but mostly in the last ten, certain elements of the immaterial heritage of populations from Dobrudja, in generally, and of Ukrainians / Khokhols from Tulcea County transformed, in relation with the social, politic-legislative and mentality changes.
Under the Law of protection of intangible cultural heritage No. 26/2008 1 , intangible cultural heritage represents all the practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills -with the instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewith -that communities, groups or individuals, recognize as part of their cultural heritage.
Contemporary ethnologists classify intangible heritage resources into five main categories: individual carriers of knowledge and know-how (so-called Living Human Treasures: artisans, musicians, folk medicines etc.), companies with potential knowledge and know-how (for example, professions such as baker, vintner, grocer), organisations-associations or informal groups (cultural associations, folk ensembles), forms of expression (custom, feast or festival, ritual, playing and verbal forms) and cultural spaces (public places concentrating cultural traditional activities) 2 .
In a period of major changes in the socio-ethnicdemographic structure, many components of this type of heritage disappears or transforms. Some ways to preserve them, in an institutional framework, are: spectacle, festival or cultural manifestation.
We must make a distinction from the beginning between the traditional intangible heritage and the institutionalized heritage (and presented as part of the spectacles), in relation with necessity, role and significance.
Thus, the two types of intangible heritage operate with different sets of values, according to the "target" of them. Traditional intangible heritage is created and centered on individuals and communities, and the institutionalized one is transformed / adapted / created by institutions and centered to the public, even if their intention is for preservation or awareness.
Given the complexity of intangible heritage, in this approach we will address some issues from a comparative perspective between traditional and spectacular.
Analysis of the last research. These contributions are essential for knowing the traditional ethnographic values of Ukrainian minority of Dobrudja and represent the base of the future research to understand and accentuate the evolution of ethnicity in the last years.
Aim of the research. Using the bibliograhical data and oral methods in the field, the aim of this article is to present elements of the Ukrainian intangible heritage from Dobrudja and the methods of preserving these items, especially in spectacles or cultural manifestations. In this case we operated with a distinction between the traditional context and the institutionalized one, to decode different sets of specific values.
The field of our research had a double hypostasis: the first one, in the villages, for collecting, reconstitute and restitute the traditional heritage and the second one, on the stage or in festivals, to observe and decode the items used as representative to express the ethnic identity.
Report of the main material. Context of identity manifestations. In the post-communist period, democratization of thinking in terms of ethnic freedom, coupled with the ratification of conventions to protect the rights of minorities and the emergence of institutions or organizations of ethnic representation, determined an effervescence of ethnicity expression at central and local level.
In There are clear differences between these folk ensembles, in terms of clothing, promoted stage repertoire or attitude. From this perspective, the ensemble from Tulcea is the most innovative and transmits minor North-Dobrogea specific, transforming the Ukrainian heritage in a product promoted through ethnic marketing strategy. Without fail, we can say that this ensemble is promoter of Ukrainian identity, in general, rather than the identity of Ukrainians / Khokhols from Dobrudja.
This was due to cultural exchanges with Ukraine, the existence of media communication channels, powerful sources of information and inspiration and material resources.
One of the ethnonyms used to denominate the Ukrainians from Dobrudja is Hahol (plural Haholi / Hahli). The original meaning of the term is lost, none of the interviewed informants not knowing what it represents 6 . The only known element is that Hahol language differs to some extent with the Ukrainian language, being perceived by them as a dialect.
It seems that the term was originally used as an insult of Russians to Ukrainians, khokhol designating the well 4 UUR was established in 28. 12.1989, and on 14.02.1990, was granted with juridical personality by the District I Court from Bucharest. 5   In Dobrudja, this term was used to differentiate even at ethnonymic level, Ukrainians (Little-Russians, Russki) and Russians-Lippovans, who used it with the meaning "unclean, dirty" (pagan or with other faith). Over time it has lost, by usage, any negative substrate and became ethnonym.
In the Ukrainian communities from Dobrudja, certain ethnonymes of secondary rank are used to represent the Other, in this context the khokhol from other villages. In most cases, the occupational profile is used as a differentiating factor.
Although the linguistic perspective, Ukrainians from Tulcea County spoke and speak Ukrainian steppe idioms 9 , but at cultural events is promoted primarily literary Ukrainian language and, just at secondary level, the local specificity of expression forms (e.g. differences between New Year carols / scidrivki 10 from various villages of the delta).
We consider prioritized the preservation (documenting, recording and promoting) of these linguistic and stylistic variations, since the population who speaks Ukrainian actively is aging, and the young one uses it as secondary or tertiary language or don't use it anymore.

Variations of building individual and group identity.
In relation with the strategy of building the identity (personal or collective; contextual), there are several situations to approach the ethnicity, such as: Ukrainians, generally elderly who accept and selfidentify using the ethnonym haholi -e.g. Letea, Caraorman, Sfântu Gheorghe, Dunavățu de Jos (in the past compact ethnic settlements). They present, in terms of emotional perspective, stronger links with the native Ukrainian ethnos, causing conservation of many traditional elements.
Ukrainians, generally young people, who reject the ethnonym haholi. (e.g. in Ceatalchioi). In this case we observed the preservation of some traditional elements generated by the spatial context and ethnicity.
Ukrainians, generally young people, who have accepted the Romanian identity and declare themselves Romanians (e.g. in Partizani, Tulcea). In this case the phenomenon of acculturation is almost total.
Ukrainians who accepted another identity (e.g. by mixed marriages) and practice it (however, the Ukrainian ethnicity is latent). In this case appears the phenomenon of acculturation.
Romanian, generally young, or other ethnic supporters who approach the Ukrainian identity as members of the Ukrainian assemblies.
Some aspects of Ukrainian heritage. Costume represents an identity mark of a population. We consider necessary to analyze it, because it has a major visual impact to the public, when the ensemble performs on stage. Following the appearance of opportunities to expose the Ukrainian ethnicity in festivals with ethnic profile (music, dance, gastronomy etc.), it was necessary the reconstitution of a costume for scenic representation.
It is difficult to reconstitute the traditional costume of Ukrainians who established in different period in Dobrudja area. Periods of war, poverty and famine, continue oscillations to find the establishment place, influences of urban areas (Tulcea, Sulina, Vâlcov) led to the disappearance and / or transformation of woven pieces. The collective memory retains some data, especially from the early twentieth century, those confessed about clothing with urban influences (industrial materials) 11 .

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Chiselev A. Ukrainian communities from Tulcea county between tradition and spectacle adjustment (jiletka); coat for cold weather (caparan); shoes. We note that pants were made of wool woven in four threads and thereafter of fabric. Elders wore shirts with detachable cuffs (ciohli) and collar, attached to it by a system of clasps. Shoes were made of leather from beef, sheep or dog (considered the best). The sole, made from thicker leather, was sewn with hard thread (dradva) and fixed well using wooden cloves. On the heel and on the toes are put one little horseshoe, to not erode the sole. These shoes were worn at holidays, at dances. At work they wore sandals (postolé). The wealthy and married wore long boots like those worn by officers, made in leather, with buckles.
Currently, in the Ukrainian assemblies from Tulcea County, exist different variants of stage costume.
The most diverse costume is presented by the members from ensemble Zadunaiska Sici, showing several periods of Ukraine's culture (Cossack, Kievan).
The girls who dance wear a costume from Kiev region, with vinok (crown of flowers and ribbons) on the head, shirt with floral patterns in cross stitched point, plakhta (a piece with the role of a skirt made of three components like the apron) and flowery apron, kersetka (long jacket flared on back), red boots.
Men's costume, worn during dances reminds of that used by the Cossacks, and is composed by: zupan (a long coat worn over the shirt), shirt with tunic-type collar, partially buttoned with three buttons, sharovary (large pants), wide belt, red boots.
Married women from the choir of ensemble Zadunaiska Sici wear a costume similar to that of women from assemblies from Crișan, Pardina and Caraorman: shirt, vest and floral skirt. The only group who still use the headdress (kosenka) as mark of wife is Bila Roja from Letea.
Representative alimentation vs. Presented alimentation. Distinct elements of traditional Ukrainian alimentation can be found in some gastronomical preferences generated by the occupational profile, and especially in the gestures and beliefs during the preparation of ceremonial dishes. Is the case of wedding dough (şeşca, lejâi) in the preparation of which take account of certain habits (any piece of dough must not remain unused, because the couple will soon separate; were interpreted certain ritual songs about the transition from girl to married women category etc.).
Some of the customary products are the bread made in the clay oven and simple bakings with various fillings (blinţi -flat cakes made before the fire, from bread dough less consistent; piroghi or piroşké -baked or fried pies; pumpkin, cabbage, potatoes 18 pies).
Basic food consisted of polenta and milk (raw, cooked, corasla 19 , in various food products) and dairy products, fish (fried, boiled, roasted, fish soup) and cabac / pumpkin (slices baked in oven, fried cabac, cabac boiled with milk), cabbage (in soups, in holubţî, capusniak -cabbage with rice or potatoes, with fried onion) etc. From chopped meat were made touceniché (meatballs) or holubţî (stuffed cabbage rolls).
For winter they put pickles in brine (chopped cabbage in barrels of 3 buckets, others pickles mixed together, in barrels). The fruits were dried in the oven, then when was needed or in the Christmas Eve was made osvar 20 (compote of prunes, apples, and quinces). It was made quince or grapes jam, and instead of sugar was used sugar beet 21 . They say what it's not Christmas without nuts. These were baked in shell in the oven. The core was like the breadcrumbs, sprinkled with salt.
For Vecera ritual meal in the Christmas Eve (January 6), in the past, were prepared twelve dishes, three of them being essential: osvar (compote with dried fruit), kukea (boiled wheat mixed with honey and nuts) and piroghi 22 .
Today, in festivals or gastronomic competitions, organized by various associations and NGOs, are presented stereotypically products as identity marks, although their ethno-cultural appurtenance is much larger and here is used the idea of Delta's brand (e.g. roasted carp, fish soup, stuffed pike). Instead, ritual foods, used in the holiday calendar and cycle life events (kukea, osvar, pampușka, hrestec / caleadnec, șeșke, korovai, lejâi) are only rarely presented (only in some community events).
Repertoire of calendar and family ritual texts. From the current state of research, we can conclude that still can be collected from the field a rich poetic repertoire of Christmas carols (coleadi 23 ) and New Year songs (scidrivki) or texts with matrimonial value (wedding songs -vesilni pisni 24 ).
A tradition with carnival elements usually take place on the evening of January 13, when people went with Melanka. With this occasion, the group of singers performed different scidrivki (New Year carols).
In the suite of Melanca were these characters, which entered in the house: Melanka (travesty), cozac/Cossak (the lad, the soldier with the sword), gipsy 25 . The group of 15 to 20 singers remained outside the house. Melanca was dressed in white dress, like a bride, with a scarf / platoc on the head. There was a coordination between the inside performance (arranging the bed, sweeping and shaking the mat, washing